Conference in Ireland: "Women's Memory-Work" -- Marjorie Agosín, Others to Speak

From: U of Penn CFP

“Women's Memory-Work:Gendered Dilemmas of Social Transformation” 24-26 August 2010 University of Limerick, IRELAND

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE “Women's Memory-Work: Gendered Dilemmas of Social Transformation” 24-26 August 2010 University of Limerick, IRELAND

Confirmed Keynote Speakers:
• MARJORIE AGOSÍN, Professor of Spanish, Wellesley College, USA
• PUMLA GOBODO-MADIKIZELA, Professor of Psychology, University of Cape Town, South Africa
• MARY L. KELLER, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, University of Wyoming, USA
• MARY NASH, Professor of Contemporary History,University of Barcelona, Spain

The 3-day international conference Women's Memory-Work: Gendered Dilemmas of Social Transformation seeks to explore women-centered expressions of historical experience as fertile ground for cultural agency and social transformation in national and transnational socioeconomic and political arenas. Inspired by the United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820, which call for a gender-sensitive implementation of national stability in peacekeeping operations, this conference invites the participation of scholars, activists and artists whose work addresses women’s engagement with the public memory of nations emerging from conflict and belonging to the class of “transitioning democracies.” At the same time, the conference intends to generate a larger dialogue that includes insights associated with women’s production of and participation in public and commemoration rituals in polities that are beyond the “transitioning” phase of democratic development, but which remain entangled in dilemmas of uneven historical and political representation and economic/territorial disparities.

The central questions the conference will be exploring are:

• What are the politics and ethics of producing and reproducing gendered memory-work? Who can participate? Who is excluded? What are the critical variables of potential alliances? Where do obstacles/limitations lie?
• In what ways might we be able to re-read traditional performances of womanhood, associated with upholding conservative social values of kinship and nationhood (among others), so as to reassess their potential participation in a radical politics/ethics of remembering, but also of envisioning future paradigms and material practices?
• How do women’s memories of traumatic repression and/or dogged dissidence participate in the historical imaginary and political vision of cultural identities and transitioning democracies?
• What are the challenges we face in building bridges across local gendered activism and international discourses of human rights and law? And how may we insist on the importance of gendered memory-work without re-inscribing the conceptual boundaries we seek to undermine?

This project is funded by the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences and the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Irish Government. As a transnational and multidisciplinary project, the conference aims to cover a wide range of disciplines—anthropology, geography, political philosophy, law, history, religion, sociology, psychology, literature, fine arts and cultural studies at large. We welcome proposals for papers in topics that include, but are not limited to:

• Gendered memory and political/cultural subjectivity
• Female consciousness and larger social subalternities (racial, ethnic, sexual, etc)
• Women’s cultural/political participation in peace processes
• Gendered politics/ethics of witnessing and testimony (“traumatic” or otherwise)
• Women’s rights and human rights
• Women’s self-referential narratives (autobiography, memoir) and memory performance
• Women’s agency beyond alterity
• Gendered labor and ecocriticism
• Women and the “war-story” (official or sectarian)
• Gendered models of reconciliation/forgiveness/healing
• Gendered dilemmas of redressing the past, seeking justice/peace
• Gender as/and strategic essentialism(s)

Please submit a 300 word abstract for a 20-minute presentation by April 16, 2010 to womensmemory@ul.ie.
All proposals will receive acknowledgement of receipt within a week from the closing date, and a final reply as to the acceptance of the proposal by May 7, 2010. If an abstract is accepted for the conference we request that a full draft paper is made available to the conference committee by July 31, 2010. A selection of papers from the conference will be published.
We also welcome thematic panel proposals (maximum 4 speakers).

Please submit the abstract or panel proposal with abstracts in Word or RTF formats along with the following information:
1. Name of author(s)
2. Affiliation
3. Position
4. Contact information
5. 1-page CV
If you have questions about the conference or about submitting a proposal please direct them to Emma Leahy— emma.leahy@ul.ie

Joint organizing chairs:
Cinta Ramblado—Lecturer in Spanish, University of Limerick
Yianna Liatsos—Lecturer in English, University of Limerick

To Download Call For Papers please visit http://www.ul.ie/isks/news.html

More on the Garzón Case

When it comes to political cartoons, Venezuelan artist Eneko (Caracas, 1963) is one of my absolute favorites. Last semester, we used some of his drawings on immigration, gender roles and other topics as conversation-starters in my advanced Spanish conversation course. Eneko publishes in 20 Minutos, an online Spanish paper. In the past, he has created multiple works on the disappeared of Francoism. He had this to say about the Garzón case (see original here):

Editorial on Garzón in the L.A. Times

In recent days, while searching for news on Judge Baltasar Garzón's possible trial, I came across a post on the Daily Kos about his pursuit of alleged Bush-era war crimes. That investigation began today in Madrid. Naturally, the American progressive blogosphere has lit up with this news; however, with so many bloggers applauding Garzón's pursuit of Bush, Cheney and Co., a slight detail has been overlooked -- the fact that Garzón himself is under fire in his own country, about to be put on trial like a criminal for daring to investigate the crimes of Francoism.

There is a sad irony in this commenter's well-intentioned remark on the Daily Kos post: "The good Judge Baltasar clearly remembers with horror the unpunished crimes of Spain's Franco in and after the Spanish Civil War. The Spanish Republicans fought under the banner: 'Spain - the graveyard of European Fascism'. Let us hope that modern Spain will be the graveyard of American Fascism, with the trial, conviction and sentencing of Bush, Cheney and all the other home grown fascists who have literally mutilated our own democratic Republic." The commenter, while citing "American Fascism," is clearly unaware that while busy fighting "fascism" elsewhere, Judge Garzón's investigation of Francoist crimes has led him ever closer to the witness stand in his own country. That is why I am happy to copy the editorial below, which appeared yesterday in the Los Angeles Times. To read about this piece in the Spanish press, click here.

From: The L.A. Times
Editorial

The case against Baltasar Garzon
Spain's famed judge has run afoul of his own countrymen over an inquiry on Spanish Civil War victims. The case could end his career.

February 15, 2010

Spain's world-famous magistrate, Baltasar Garzon, has made many enemies over the years. He has indicted Osama bin Laden. He has gone after Spanish paramilitaries, Basque separatists and members of drug mafias. On this side of the Atlantic, Garzon is best known as the judge who pushed the frontiers of international law, trying to extradite former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet from London and launching an inquiry into the suspected torture of detainees at the U.S. prison in Guantanamo.

After all that, it is perhaps ironic that the biggest threat to Garzon right now comes not from some hit man but from his own judiciary, which alleges that the judge has overreached at home by trying to probe Spanish Civil War atrocities that were covered by an amnesty the country's parliament passed in 1977. Many of Garzon's adversaries on the right and the left have come together in support of the case against him. It's possible Garzon will be suspended from his duties in the coming days. If convicted, his career as a judge would be over.

Tens of thousands of Spaniards died or disappeared in the civil war, which ushered in the dictatorship of Gen. Francisco Franco in 1939. When Franco died in 1975, the amnesty was widely seen as essential for a transition to democracy. But many of the victims have never been accounted for, and the country has not fully come to terms with its violent past. Garzon opened the case on behalf of relatives who sought to exhume and identify the dead. After right-wing groups filed a complaint, an investigative judge concluded that Garzon "consciously decided to ignore" the will of parliament in pursuing the case, and now a five-judge panel must decide whether to put him on trial for criminal intent. Garzon denies wrongdoing; the disappearances, he says, were crimes against humanity and, therefore, cannot be covered by an amnesty.

We admire Garzon for a lifetime of pursuing criminals without regard to ideology or political bent, often at great personal risk. We also recognize that his outsized ego and appetite for attention have antagonized colleagues and politicians. Though we are in no position to judge the legal challenge against him, we worry about politicization of the Spanish legal system with this divisive case, and the haste with which events are unfolding: An administrative panel is considering Garzon's suspension even before judges decide whether to allow charges to be filed.

We sincerely hope that the Spanish courts will put aside personal animosities and political vendettas, and that Garzon's enemies will not use this case to bring down a judge they dislike. Love him or hate him, he deserves a fair hearing. And a democratic Spain deserves an upstanding judiciary.

Copyright © 2010, The Los Angeles Times

Interdisciplinary Colloquium on War and Memorialization

From: CFP, U Penn

Interdisciplinary Colloquium: Conflict, Memory and Memorialisation: War and European Culture in the Twentieth Century, 17-19 Jul

full name / name of organization:
Archbishop Desmond Tutu Centre for War and Peace Studies, Liverpool Hope University, Liverpool, UK

contact email:
phillim@hope.ac.uk

cfp categories:
cultural_studies_and_historical_approaches
ethnicity_and_national_identity
twentieth_century_and_beyond

contributions to an international colloquium dedicated to examining questions of conflict and memory, focusing on the legacies within Europe of the two global conflicts of the twentieth century and their mythologisation through processes of memorialisation. The principal aim is to explore how music, literature and other arts have mediated the experience of war and shaped historical consciousness in these contexts: this will inform analysis of the way individual and collective memories have changed and developed over time, and their significance for the ongoing formation and articulation of identities in European societies and cultures.

The keynote speaker will be Professor Jay Winter, Charles J. Stille Professor of History at Yale
Other confirmed participants include:

Tim Cole (University of Bristol, UK)
Rachel Cowgill (Liverpool Hope University, UK)
Nalini Ghuman (Mills College, US)
Elaine Kelly (University of Edinburgh, UK)
Terry Phillips (Liverpool Hope University, UK)
Christopher Scheer (Utah State University, US)
David Taylor (University of Huddersfield, UK)
Guy Tourlamain (Liverpool Hope University, UK)
Laura Watson (National University of Ireland, Maynooth, Eire)

Abstracts of 200 words should be sent by email to Dr Terry Phillips (phillim@hope.ac.uk) by 28 February 2010. Places are limited, and will be allocated to enhance disciplinary, geographical, and chronological coverage. The colloquium website will be available shortly, but travel and location information can be found at http://www.hope.ac.uk/gettingtohope

* By web submission at 02/14/2010 - 17:16

New Photos of 9/11

From: The New York Times

February 15, 2010

Editorial
9/11 From Above

In the days and weeks immediately after Sept. 11, there was, in many people, a deep hunger to see and see again what happened as the World Trade Center towers burned and then fell, a hunger fed by disbelief and shock. But as the years have passed, 9/11 has resolved itself into a collection of core images — photos, impressions, memories — whether you were in Manhattan that day or not.

This is the condensation that time nearly always accomplishes. So it comes as a surprise — just what kind will vary from person to person — to see the photographs taken that morning by Greg Semendinger, then a New York police detective, from a Police Department helicopter, the only aircraft allowed over Manhattan once the crisis had begun.

The dozen photos — obtained by ABC News from the National Institute of Standards and Technology — were shot from several different angles: over the Hudson, crossing Manhattan north of the towers, looking back toward Brooklyn, and up the island. They capture an aerial glimpse of a burning tower and then the immense plumes of smoke, ash and dust that engulf the sudden vacancy where the trade center stood.

Because they’re shot from on high, they capture with startling clarity both the voluminousness of the pale cloud that swallowed Lower Manhattan and the sharpness of its edges, a reminder of the beauty of the morning out of which so much tragedy so quickly roiled.

It is surprising to see these photographs now in part because we should have seen them sooner. It took a Freedom of Information Act request to obtain them from the national standards institute, which provided the official, technical analysis of why the towers fell. These photos also remind us of how important it is to keep enlarging our sense of what happened on 9/11, to keep opening it to history.

They will be part of what we hope will be an enormous and publicly accessible archive at the National September 11 Memorial and Museum.

From: The New York Times
February 10, 2010

Aerial Photos of Trade Center on 9/11 Released
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS, in the NYT

Newly released aerial photographs of the World Trade Center terror attack capture the towers’ collapse, from just after the first fiery plane strike to the dust clouds that spread over Lower Manhattan and New York harbor.

The images were taken from a police helicopter carrying the only photographer allowed in the air space near the towers on Sept. 11, 2001. They were obtained by ABC News after it filed a Freedom of Information Act request last year with the National Institute of Standards and Technology, which investigated the towers’ collapse.

The still images are “a phenomenal body of work” that show a new, wide-angle look at the towers’ collapse and the gray dust clouds that shrouded the city afterward, said Jan Seidler Ramirez, the chief curator of the National September 11 Memorial & Museum, which is compiling a digital archive of attack coverage. The photos are “absolutely core to understanding the visual phenomena of what was happening,” Ms. Ramirez said.

The images of the dust clouds rising as high as some downtown skyscrapers “are some of the most exceptional images in the world, I think, of this event,” she said.

ABC said the photographs were among 2,779 pictures on 9 CDs the Institute of Standards gave the network. Some of the photographs had not been released before, it said.

The network posted 12 photos this week on its Web site, all taken by Greg Semendinger, a former detective with the New York Police Department’s Aviation Unit, who was first in the air in a search for survivors on the rooftop. He said he and his pilot watched the second plane hit the south tower from the helicopter.

“We didn’t find one single person. It was surreal,” he told The Associated Press on Wednesday. “There was no sound. No sound whatsoever but the noise of the radio and the helicopter. I just kept taking pictures.”

View photos here

Support for Judge Baltasar Garzón

The Spanish-language blog and association La Memoria Viva was first to post information on the following "Manifiesto por la Justicia de Garzón," which I have included in the original Spanish below, along with my English translation in italics, following each paragraph. If you are so inclined, please consider signing the document here as a show of support for Judge Garzón. I would think that the more international support offered, the better.

Manifiesto por la Justicia de Garzón

El juez Baltasar Garzón ha ejercido una justicia de forma continuada y valiente durante veinte años en la Audiencia Nacional, comprometida con la defensa de los derechos humanos en España y en el mundo contra dictadores, terroristas, corruptos y enemigos de la democracia. Judge Baltasar Garzón has pursued justice in a brave, consistent manner for twenty years in the Audiencia Nacional, which is committed to the defense of human rights against dictators, terrorists, corrupt persons and enemies of democracy in Spain and the world.

El juez Baltasar Garzón ha sido uno de los principales promotores del desarrollo en España del principio de Justicia Universal. Judge Baltasar Garzón has been one of the primary proponents in Spain of the principle of Universal Jurisdiction.

El juez Baltasar Garzón es víctima de una campaña promovida por sectores de extrema derecha, Falange Española y Manos Limpias, con una sorprendente connivencia de algunos sectores progresistas. Judge Baltasar Garzón is the victim of a campaign put forth by factions of the extreme right, Spanish Phalangist Party and Manos Limpias [an ultra-right "sindicato," whose name translates as "Clean Hands"], with a surprising complicity among some progressive sectors.

El proceso contra el juez Baltasar Garzón es en realidad un juicio sumario contra los defensores de la Democracia, la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos y a favor de la impunidad de crímenes muy graves de carácter internacional. The action taken against Judge Baltasar Garzón is in actuality a summary judgment against the defenders of Democracy, Justice and Human Rights, one that encourages the impunity of serious international crimes.*

El juez Baltasar Garzón está siendo juzgado por una sala del Tribunal Supremo en la que la mayoría de sus miembros juraron lealtad al Movimiento Nacional del franquismo. Judge Baltasar Garzón is being judged by a tribunal of the Supreme Court, the majority of whose members made an oath of loyalty to the National Movement of Francoism.

Una sentencia adversa al juez Baltasar Garzón, tras agotar las instancias judiciales españolas, acabaría probablemente con una superior sentencia condenatoria del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos contra el Estado español. A sentence in opposition to Judge Baltasar Garzón, upon exhausting all appeals of the Spanish courts, would most likely end with Spain being censured by the European Tribunal of Human Rights.

El juez Baltasar Garzón representa el modelo de justicia basado en la defensa de los Derechos Humanos conforme con su Derecho Internacional que millones de ciudadanos y víctimas reclaman en todo el mundo. Judge Baltasar Garzón represents a justice model based on the defense of Human Rights in accordance with International Law that millions of citizens and victims demand the world over.

Ya en 2008 el Comité de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas recomendó al Estado español la derogación de la preconstitucional Ley de Amnistía de 1977. In 2008, the United Nations Committee on Human Rights recommended that Spain repeal its preconstitutional Amnesty Law of 1977.

Este caso vuelve a demostrar la necesidad de la Justicia Internacional. Incluso España, el país que intentó procesar al dictador Pinochet, es incapaz de juzgar su propia dictadura. Y quien lo intenta, es juzgado por ello. This case again demonstrates the need for Universal Jurisdiction. Even Spain, the country that sought to prosecute dictator Pinochet, is incapable of judging its own dictatorship. He who attempts to do so, is in turn judged for it.

FIRMA EN LA PESTAÑA COMENTARIOS. Deja tu nombre y profesión y/o el nombre de la organización a la que representas. PLEASE SIGN IN THE "COMMENTS" BLANK. Leave your name, profession and/or the name of the organization you represent.

No se publicaran textos que no sean adhesiones al manifiesto. Comments that do not support the manifesto will not be published.

*the phrase "juicio sumario" brings with it for me the notion of a "kangaroo court"

For more on this story in English, please see the following:

"Spain's Super-Judge Closer to Being Charged" (NYT, via AP)

Judge Baltasar Garzón to speak next week at University of Washington

Judge Baltasar Garzón will speak at the University of Washington (Seattle) next Tuesday, February 23, at 6 pm. Information on the talk follows. If you are able to attend -- unfortunately, I am not - I would really appreciate you sharing your reflections here via the "comments" feature of this post. Perhaps they will put up a podcast or video, so we may all take part in the discussion.

Baltasar Garzón, the esteemed Spanish judge and human rights advocate, will deliver a major public lecture on the topic of “Human Rights and Historical Memory.” His lecture, which is free and open to the public, is part of the Gates Public Service Law Program. His lecture is also one in a year-long linked film and lecture series, “Lives, History, Memory: The Spanish Civil War Seventy Years After" that is sponsored by the Department of History's Hanauer Outreach Fund and other units on campus, including the Walter Chapin Simpson Center for the Humanities.

Garzón is one of the six investigating judges for Spain’s National Court. His function is to investigate the cases that are assigned to him by the court, gathering evidence and evaluating whether the case should be brought to trial. He does not try the cases himself. Garzón rose to prominence as an international figure with his indictment of leaders of the former Chilean military junta, including dictator Augusto Pinochet, on charges of genocide, terrorism and torture during the 1973-1990 dictatorship. Garzón has also played a key role in indicting suspected Basque terrorists. Most recently he has brought charges against the Franco regime for crimes against humanity, and ordered the exhumation of mass graves from Spain's bloody civil war (1936-39). For more information, contact Prof. Tony Geist
(tgeist@uw.edu , 206-543-2022).

"Contra Garzón" ("Against Garzón") by Manel Fontdevila

[*this note corrects an earlier translation, where I said "And then there are those who think we shouldn't look to the past, yet act like we're living in it." -- I meant to say: "And then there are those who think we (one) shouldn't look to the past, yet act like they're living in it." I don't know how I did that, sorry!]

This drawing by artist Manel Fontdevila in the Spanish paper Público sums up the recent news about Judge Baltasar Garzón's possible trial (see Feb. 7 post).

From left to right, we read:

"Historians rewrite history."

"Justices pursue the one in search of justice."

"And then there are those who think we shouldn't look to the past, yet act like they're living in it."

"Yes indeed."

The skulls allude to the victims of the Francoist repression; within approximately the last 10 years, there have been numerous exhumations of mass graves throughout Spain, often culminating in the "reburial" and dignification of remains, some 70 years after the end of the Spanish Civil War. The phrase "those who think we shouldn't look to the past" most likely refers to conservative leaders of the PP (Partido Popular, or "People's Party") who have argued that memorialist discourse only "opens old wounds," preventing Spain from moving forward. The Partido Popular emerged out of the AP (Alianza Popular, or "People's Alliance"), which was founded by Manuel Fraga, a former Francoist minister.

Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzón Could Go on Trial

I am feeling quite fired up about the case that follows. So fired up, in fact, that I wrote the following, in English, on my Spanish blog:

Today the Spanish memorialist blogosphere has been on fire with the news that Judge Baltasar Garzón is most likely headed to the Tribunal Supremo (TS), or Spanish Supreme Court, to face charges that he knowingly acted beyond his legal capacities when he spearheaded a criminal and judicial investigation into the crimes of Francoism. While I do not profess a mastery of the Spanish court system, by following the Garzón case closely in the Spanish and international press, I have been able to condense the story to the following points, which I have laid out in a more-or-less chronological fashion here:

1. Garzón was the first to open a penal cause about, and to use the phrase "crimes against humanity" in relation to, the crimes of the Franco repression.
   
2. Garzón's October 2008 "auto," prepared with the help of countless, faceless family members, historians, forensic anthropologists and others, contained the names -- not estimates, names - of 114, 266 victims of the Franco repression.
   
3. Garzón requested death records from Church and State - I am unclear about whether any were ever turned over to him.
   
4. After complaints he was out of bounds and in direct opposition to the 1977 Ley de Amnistía (Amnesty Law), Garzón dropped the case, essentially turning the task over to regional government authorities (November 2008).
   
5. Several ultra-right wing groups (Manos Limpias, FE de las JONS) filed "complaints" in the Supreme Court over Garzón's alleged breach of the law.
6. The Court refused to dismiss the claims made by the above groups. Incidentally, there are several personal and political conflicts of interest between Supreme Court justices and Baltasar Garzón. As an example, in one case, we are talking about a judge who signed a petition against the 2007 Law of Historical Memory.
   

A number of influential scholars have begun to suggest that we are witnessing the beginning of the end for Garzón. We could be, they say, just days away from watching Garzón himself go on trial. If this is the case, it is a shameful moment for the Spanish judicial system. A shameful moment when, rather than focusing our attention on the original case at hand, we must instead anticipate the case brought against this judge. It is sad, it is perverse, it is astounding, that it has come to this point. Judge Garzón's "auto" was a powerful, visible, necessary condemnation of what Antonio Elorza, Paul Preston and respected scholars like them have called the "Spanish genocide." If not Garzón to pursue this cause, then who? Clearly, the judge's investigation was necessary in light of the failures of the Law of Historical Memory and the unfinished business of Spain's own "don't ask, don't tell" transitional-era politics.

Whether we like it or not, Baltasar Garzón is the closest thing Spain has to the face of justice. If he goes on trial, the charge will technically be "prevarication" -- an instance of deliberate over-reaching of jurisdiction. Yet what ought to be clear to everyone observing this case is that the unspoken issue on trial here will really be Garzón's decision to pursue crimes of the Francoist repression as "crimes against humanity." Garzón's "auto" -- much more severe and damning than the documents that evolved into the Law of Historical Memory -- means, for some, not just a vague sort of "questioning of the past" or staining of an inheritance. The auto marks a contestation of the entire transitional process and those charged with writing it. The elephant in the room is no longer the decades-long silence about Franco-era crimes; what Garzón messed with is the foundation on which Spain's young democracy lies.

Note: please stay tuned for further discussion of this case. If you are unfamiliar with Judge Garzón, he is perhaps most noted for his persecution of Augusto Pinochet in London in 1998. BG is known as a bit of a judicial "diva" -- in Spanish, he is called "el juez estrella," or star judge. However, does this persona really matter when we are talking about the sort of grave issues Garzón has tackled?

Recommended reading: Daniel Rothenberg's interview with Judge Garzón, "Let Justice Judge" and the NYT page of news about BG

Call for Papers for Summer Conference

Lucas Manuel Bietti, who runs the fascinating research blog Collective Memory Project has posted the following information that readers of this blog may also find useful:

Death, Commemoration and Memory: an Exploration of Representation, Concept and Change Call for Papers: Death, Commemoration and Memory: an Exploration of Representation, Concept and Change

Thursday 24 and Friday 25 June 2010

The Death, Commemoration and Memory (DCM) Research Group is based within the School of Arts, Culture and Environment at the University of Edinburgh. Founded in 2008, DCM provides a forum for postgraduates and staff whose research engages with any aspect of the Group’s remit, attracting junior and senior scholars from a variety of academic disciplines. Building upon the Group’s success, a two‐day conference is planned in Edinburgh for June 2010 to provide a platform for further interdisciplinary discussion and to create new networks between researchers across the world.

Topics for discussion may include, but are not limited to:

- Acts of commemoration, mourning practices and rituals

- The social aspects of individual memory, collective memories and cultural attitudes towards memory

- The ethics and etiquette of death studies: the treatment of human remains in archaeology, pathology and museum practice

- Death in the visual arts: commemoration through architectural and artistic practices

- Poetic, literary and musical interpretations of death

- The dichotomy between history and memory

- Psychological and sociological studies of bereavement

We welcome abstracts of 300 words on any aspect of the conference’s themes, accompanied by a short academic resume of 200 words maximum. Applications should be sent to dcm.ed@hotmail.co.uk with ‘DCM CONFERENCE’ as the email’s subject. Submission deadline: 12 March 2010.